A major split seems to be developing between conservative
justices Neil Gorsuch and Samuel Alito over the issue of property rights and
the Fourth Amendment, reported Reason Magazine.
The most recent evidence of this division came on January 9,
when the U.S. Supreme Court heard oral
arguments in Byrd v. United States. This case arose in 2014, when
a woman named Natasha Reed rented a car and allowed her fiancé, Terrence Byrd,
to drive it in violation of her rental contract, which listed her as the sole
authorized driver. When the state police stopped Byrd for a minor traffic
infraction, the officer searched the trunk and discovered heroin and several
flak jackets. Byrd is fighting to have that evidence thrown out as the fruits
of an illegal search.
The question presented to the Supreme Court is this:
"The Fourth Amendment protects people from suspicionless searches of
places and effects in which they have a reasonable expectation of privacy. Does
a driver in sole possession of a rental vehicle reasonably expect privacy in
the vehicle where he has the renter's permission to drive the vehicle but is
not listed as an authorized driver on the rental agreement?"
During the oral arguments, Justice Neil Gorsuch observed
that Byrd's lawyer, Robert Loeb, had offered a property rights theory "on
which you might prevail." That theory, "essentially as I understand
it," Gorsuch said, is "that possession is good title against
everybody except for people with superior title."
"We think the property interest here, the right
that...Mr. Byrd would have had to bring a trespass action," Loeb replied,
"demands a recognition of his right to invoke the Fourth Amendment."
In other words, Byrd had "possession" of the car
under common law principles. If, while driving it, somebody else tried to break
in and steal it from him, he would have a common law right "to bring a
trespass action," as Loeb put it, against that would-be thief. In this
case, the trespasser is law enforcement, which, absent probable cause, has no
authority to search the trunk.
Justice Samuel Alito apparently did not like the sound of
that. "The problem with going down this property route is that we go off
in search of a type of case that almost never arose...at common law, where an
unauthorized sub-bailee brings an action for trespass to chattel against a law
enforcement officer. When would that ever have happened in 18th-century
America? Never."
Loeb pushed back on Alito's characterization. "It's
your right to bring trespass action against a stranger," he told Alito.
"The fact that you can exclude a stranger and bring a trespass action
against him is what supports your property right under the Constitution."
A few minutes later, Alito tried to poke another hole in the
property rights theory that Gorsuch had seemingly endorsed.
"The Constitution uses the word 'property' numerous
times," Alito told Loeb, "but the word 'property' doesn't appear in
the Fourth Amendment. It talks about effects, which is defined by Samuel
Johnson's dictionary as 'goods or movables.'... Is it your argument that any
property interest whatsoever falls within the definition of effects if we are
going to go back to an originalist interpretation of the Fourth
Amendment?"
"I think if the common law recognizes your
[right]," Loeb replied, "then both under the common law and common
sense, that it makes sense to recognize a right to invoke a Fourth Amendment
right."
Gorsuch remained quiet during those exchanges between Alito
and Loeb. But he spoke up again in favor of the property rights theory during
the second half of the oral arguments, when Assistant to the Attorney General
Eric Feigin was presenting the government's side of the case.
According to Feigin, Byrd, "like other unauthorized drivers, simply has no
connection to the car at all."
"Mr. Faigin, you keep saying that," Gorsuch said,
"but as a matter of property law, now and forever, a possessor would have
a right to exclude other people but for those with better title. So someone in
this position would have a right, I think you'd agree, to exclude someone who's
attempting to get in the car to hijack it, carjack it. You'd also have a right
to throw out a hitchhiker who had overstayed his welcome....I think you're
having to argue that the government has a special license that doesn't exist
for any other stranger to the car."
Feigin rejected that description of the government's
position.
"Do you agree that— that Mr. Byrd could have excluded a
carjacker?" Gorsuch asked.
"I think by virtue of simply being in the car, he
probably could have fended off a carjacker and we wouldn't oppose his right to
do so," Feigin answered.
"By virtue of his possession he would have a right to
do so," Gorsuch corrected him. "And he would have a right to throw
out a hitchhiker as well....So why not the government?"
To summarize: Gorsuch pushed a property rights theory of the
Fourth Amendment that, if adopted by the Supreme Court, would cause the
government to lose this case and plenty of others. Alito promptly spoke up in
opposition to that theory. A little bit later, Gorsuch advanced the theory
again in greater detail.
If that dynamic sounds familiar, it's because we've already
seen it once before. In the November 2017 oral arguments in the warrantless
cell phone records search case Carpenter v. United Staes, as I noted
at the time, "Gorsuch proffered a property rights argument that might
allow Carpenter to win the case, and Alito came out swinging hard against
it."
I suspect that Gorsuch and Alito's battles over this issue
are just getting started.
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