Wednesday, May 28, 2025

CREATORS: The Expanding Presidency, 200 Years in the Making

Matthew T. Mangino
CREATORS
May 27, 2025

The dominance of the executive in American government today was set in motion nearly two centuries ago.

Former President Andrew Jackson was the first president to suggest that being the only official elected by all the people bestowed on the office a mandate from the American people.

Sound familiar? President Donald Trump claimed a mandate from the American people. He said during a speech to the FBI, "The American people have given us a mandate, a mandate like few people thought possible."

Jackson won 56% of the popular vote in 1828. With his "mandate," he expanded the power of the presidency. In doing so, he incurred the wrath of his political opponents. Jackson beat Adams, who four years earlier had bested Jackson in a controversial election that was thrown to the House of Representatives to resolve.

Passions in the early 19th century were high, not unlike today. Then Secretary of State, and later U.S. Senator, Henry Clay told Senator, and future Secretary of State, Daniel Webster, the election of Jackson was "mortifying and sickening to the heart of the real lovers of this government."

A close examination of Jackson's presidency reveals many similarities to the controversial issues we read and hear about today. Jon Meacham's book "American Lion: Andrew Jackson in the White House" provides such an examination.

Jackson had his battles with the U.S. Supreme Court. When Chief Justice John Marshall ruled in favor of the Cherokees in a dispute with the federal government, Jackson was reported to have said, "Well, John Marshall made his decision now let him enforce it."

Although Meacham thought the quote was "historically questionable," he believed it was philosophically accurate. Jackson believed that a president should not just defer to the wishes of the courts or Congress but should make his own independent interpretation of important issues and rulings.

Today, the president is also at odds with the courts. He has called for the impeachment of judges who rule against the interests of his administration and his administration has defied orders of the court.

There was even discussion of Jackson's impeachment. He was considered a radical president, and an impeachment was a radical solution. Although Jackson was never impeached, he was censored by the U.S. Senate and fought for years to have the stain on his record expunged from the annals of the Senate.

When Jackson's subordinates refused to carry out his directions, he was not above replacing them. He orchestrated a mass resignation from his cabinet during his first term — and fired his Secretary of the Treasury when he refused to defund the National Bank during his second term.

According to data from the Brookings Institution, Trump had 14 cabinet secretaries resign during his first term. More than any modern president.

Just as the Trump administration has deployed federal troops to the southern border, Jackson pushed for a "Force Bill" when South Carolina teetered on the brink of succession in 1833. The Force Bill would have permitted Jackson to use federal troops against American citizens to enforce federal law, which some describe as a "Jacksonian dictatorship."

Jackson's use of the bully pulpit, as Theodore Roosevelt — an admirer of Jackson — called it, seems more benevolent than the current president. Jackson's priority was to keep the union together. Thirty years before the Civil War, the threat of "nullification" was hanging over the country. The South, led by South Carolina, was threatening to leave the Union.

In a message following an adverse ruling by the Supreme Court, Jackson wrote, "The authority of the Supreme Court must, therefore, not be permitted to control the Congress or the Executive when acting in their legislative capacities."

He was called a despot and emperor, but Meecham pointed out that his message concluded with, "I have now done my duty to my country ... If sustained by my fellow-citizens, I shall be grateful and happy; if not, I shall find in the motives which impel me ample grounds for contentment and peace."

Would we be naive to expect to hear such magnanimity from today's White House?

Matthew T. Mangino is of counsel with Luxenberg, Garbett, Kelly & George P.C. His book The Executioner's Toll, 2010 was released by McFarland Publishing. You can reach him at www.mattmangino.com and follow him on Twitter @MatthewTMangino

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