Brandon Garrett and Gregory Mitchell write in Slate:
Christopher Michael Sanchez had the right idea.
During jury selection in his Texas trial for assault on a public servant,
Sanchez’s lawyer asked
the prospective jurors “to rate on a scale of one to five whether
[they] agreed or disagreed with the statement that it is better for ten people
[to] go free than one be convicted.”
While Sanchez was ultimately convicted, defense
counsel was on to something fundamental about how people think about crime and
punishment. Despite increased public awareness of wrongful convictions, the
politics around criminal justice have begun to produce some strange
inconsistencies. Particularly during recent elections, we’ve heard loud calls
for more people who had been merely arrested, not convicted, to be locked up
without a fair hearing. Lawmakers are presently considering harsher arrest,
jail, and sentencing measures in response to violent crime. Sensational
coverage of murder trials continues to attract wide audiences. Yet, at the
same time, in opinion surveys, most people support police reform, reducing
racial disparities, and a focus on rehabilitation and not just punishment in
the criminal system. People may oppose defunding the police, but they also
support community and social services alternatives to policing.
What explains these seemingly inconsistent views?
Our research suggests
that this is not the product of partisan divides or polarization, but that it
actually reflects a deep source of common ground.
When English jurist Sir William Blackstone famously
expressed the view that it is “better that ten guilty persons escape, than that
one innocent suffer,” in 1765, he was not being particularly original. The
notion that false convictions are a greater injustice than false acquittals
animated the law at least as early as biblical times.
This view is the cornerstone of due-process
protections for those accused of crimes, giving rise to the presumption of
innocence and the high burden of proof required for criminal convictions. In
the United States, the Supreme Court first invoked Blackstone’s maxim in 1895
to justify the presumption of innocence, and again in 1970 to justify
incorporating the requirement of the beyond-a-reasonable-doubt burden of
persuasion in criminal cases under the Due Process Clause of the 14th Amendment.
But do people share Blackstone’s view? We asked a
simple question that delivered a shocking result:
Which of the following errors at trial do you
believe causes more harm to society?
• Erroneously convicting an innocent person
• Failing to convict a guilty person
• The errors are equally bad
Most respondents answered that the errors were
equally bad. Our first results showing widespread rejection of the Blackstone
ratio were so surprising and potentially disruptive that we tested their
robustness multiple times, using a series of large samples drawn from the entire
U.S. population and multiple measurement methods.
Across multiple national surveys sampling more than
12,000 people, we have found that a majority of Americans, more than 60
percent, consider false acquittals and false convictions to be equally bad
outcomes. Most people are not Blackstonians. They are unwilling to err on the
side of letting the guilty go free to avoid convicting the innocent. Indeed, a
sizeable minority viewed false acquittals as worse than false convictions; this
group is willing to convict multiple innocent persons to avoid letting one guilty
person go free. You would not want those people on your jury if you were
charged with a crime.
These are not just abstract views, and they
translated into how people voted to convict defendants in mock trials and how
they weighed the evidence. For example, in one of our recent studies, the
conviction rate among people who prioritize avoiding false acquittals was 58
percent, compared to a conviction rate of 25 percent among those who prioritize
avoiding false convictions, even though the two groups reviewed the same
evidence.
Perhaps still more surprising is that this is not
necessarily a partisan preference. Majorities of Democrats, Republicans, and
independents all viewed false convictions and false acquittals to be errors of
equal magnitude. These findings reflect how most Americans balance fairness and
public safety.
These findings have important implications for
seemingly intractable divisions in criminal justice debates. Due process
depends on jurors faithfully following instructions on the burden of proof, but
our research shows that many jurors would not hold the state to its high
burden. Instead, courts should do away with the fiction that the reasonable
doubt standard guarantees due process and consider other protections, such as stricter
limits on prosecution evidence. Lawyers should rethink how they select jurors
and present evidence, and judges should reconsider how due-process protections
are implemented.
Further, the fact that many people place crime
control on par with, or above, the need to avoid wrongful convictions helps
explain divisions in public opinion on important policy questions like bail and
sentencing reform. If a policy solution is framed as only improving fairness,
but not answering the need for public safety, then it may fail. Similarly,
framing a solution as only helping public safety, but not treating the accused
fairly, will also not be successful.
Despite sometimes heated legal and political
rhetoric, our justice system does not operate as a zero-sum game, even though
in any given case the prosecution or defense wins. Convicting the wrong person
is not just a fairness concern but also a public safety concern. When an
innocent person languishes in prison, a guilty person goes free. From bail
reform to sentencing reform to protections against wrongful convictions, a
range of proposed changes can improve both fairness and public safety.
The public is not well-served by false dichotomies.
Making both fairness and public safety benefits clear to the public will be
crucial to the success of future criminal justice reforms.
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