Gov. Kay Ivey made sure Alabama abandoned the process — called judicial override — by signing a law on her first day in office in 2017. But the law applied only to new cases. It did not have any effect on those people sentenced to die under the practice prior to 2017, reported AL.com.
Now, nearly ten years later, Ivey could use her last
days in office to move the remaining 25 people on death row to the actual
sentences their juries wanted and voted for: life in prison without the
possibility of parole.
“I hope the governor is using her last few months to
think about how she can leave a legacy of criminal justice reform in this
state,” said A’Niya Robinson, the director of policy and organizing for the
ACLU of Alabama.
Ivey’s stance is unclear.
There is no doubt she leaves a mark on the criminal
justice system in this state. Alabama is building a new mega prison in Elmore
County, set to be finished this fall and costing well over a billion dollars.
It will be named after her.
But her record is more complicated.
Ivey set a record among Alabama governors in the
modern era by approving the most executions, 26. And Alabama was an innovator
of execution methods under Ivey’s watch, performing the nation’s first
execution by nitrogen in January 2024.
Yet, she stopped judicial override upon taking office.
She ordered a halt to lethal injection executions for several months in
2022, after the Alabama Department of Corrections couldn’t get it right. While
she resumed the practice, some were astonished she had even paused it at all.
And she has also spared the most people from execution
among all modern governors, too. She commuted the sentences of two men slated
to die, something that does not happen often in Alabama, earning sharp
criticism from fellow Republicans in the Attorney General’s office. In
one case, Ivey said she had too many questions about guilt to move forward
with an execution. In
the other, the governor said she couldn’t “proceed in good conscience” to
approve the execution of a man who wasn’t the actual shooter in the case, while
the shooter was serving a life sentence.
Ivey isn’t running again, and will leave the
governor’s mansion in January when the state’s new governor, either Democrat
Doug Jones or Republican Tommy Tuberville, is sworn in.
‘They didn’t need a jury’
One of the people whom a jury wished to live, but a
judge sentenced to die, was Robin
“Rocky” Myers.
Myers was on death row from 1994 until 2025, when Ivey
commuted his sentence, sending him to life in prison instead of an execution
chamber because she said she wasn’t sure he was guilty. Myers has always
maintained his innocence in the killing of his Decatur neighbor.
Years after Myers was sent to death row, a juror began
speaking out, too.
Mae Puckett told AL.com in 2023 that she didn’t know a
judge could change the sentence that she and the other jurors handed down. To
Puckett, a life sentence was a compromise: She and several other jurors had
agreed, in a jury room stalemate, to convict the 30-year-old father if he could
be sentenced to life.
“Those of us who thought he was innocent had very
strong feelings about it... (but) we knew those guys weren’t going to change
their mind,” she said. “We decided to vote him guilty… the best thing we
thought we could do was spare his life.”
To find someone guilty of capital murder, all 12
jurors have to agree. The decision has to be unanimous. Then, if prosecutors
are seeking the death penalty, there is a second hearing following the trial to
decide if the person should be sent to death row.
After hearing the testimony, jurors go back to
deliberate for the second time. But a death vote doesn’t have to be unanimous
in Alabama.
A death sentence can be handed down only if 10 or more
jurors vote for death. If the jury can’t reach that vote, they can consider a
sentence of life without parole.
But prior to 2017, Alabama had a loophole. The jury’s
sentence was, technically, just a recommendation. A judge could, for a litany
of different and vague reasons, disregard the jury’s sentencing decision. While
a judge could alternatively overturn a death vote and send a person to prison
for life, it was almost always applied the other way.
That’s what happened in the Myers case.
Puckett said she had no idea the judge could change
the outcome.
“I cried,” Puckett recalled. “It was a mix of anger
and sympathy and remorse. I felt like I had just fed him to the wolves when we
tried so hard not to do that.”
According to information gathered by the Equal Justice Initiative,
Alabama judges changed a jury’s sentencing verdict 107 times from 1976 to 2011.
And 98 of those changes increased the penalty from life to death.
Jeffery
Lee is set to die by lethal injection later this month, even though that’s
not what his jury voted for either. He was convicted of killing two people and
injuring a third during a pawn shop robbery in Orrville in 1998. His jury, in a
7-5 vote, opted to send him to live out his days in prison.
One of the people who served on that jury wants Ivey
to commute Lee’s sentence and send him to prison for life.
“I didn’t know that a judge could do that,” the juror
said during a phone call with AL.com. “The system just did what it wanted to
do, and it didn’t matter what the jury had decided.”
The woman, who didn’t want her name used for fear of
retaliation, called the issue a systemic one and said she wants her verdict
honored. “If the judge was going to make the final decision, why have a trial?
That was a waste of time for everybody.”
“If it was a judge’s decision, they didn’t need a
jury.”
Only in Alabama
The practice of judicial override had only been legal
in a few states: Alabama, Delaware, Florida and Indiana. Indiana got rid of the
practice in 2002. Delaware and Florida also abolished override and made it
apply to older cases, and they never routinely executed people who were
sentenced under the practice.
In 2017, Alabama
was all alone. And in 2026, the state still is the only place carrying out
executions that resulted from a judge’s single-handed decision, disregarding a
jury verdict.
Starting in 2006, Alabama State Sen. Hank Sanders,
D-Selma, introduced bills in the state legislature to outlaw
the practice. They didn’t go anywhere.
“I had tried so many years because I felt that was
extremely unfair,” Sanders told AL.com. “Because in effect, they were taking
away the right to trial by jury.”
“There’s a unique unfairness about that.”
Eventually, Republican Sen. Dick Brewbaker took
interest in the topic. Sanders said he was surprised, and glad, to have his
support. Instead of co-sponsoring the bill with Brewbaker, Sanders dropped his
name from the bill so it would have a better chance of passing under a
Republican sponsor.
It worked.
The bill passed a vote of 78-19 and in
April 2017, on her first day in
the office, Ivey signed into law a ban on judicial override.
The law had a caveat: the ban on judicial override did
not apply to those sentenced before 2017. Retroactivity wasn’t included in the
bill, said Sanders, because it could have hurt the bill’s chances at passing.
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