Professor Steven Lubet writes in The Hill:
Supreme Court Justice Elena Kagan carefully chose her words when she told an audience at the Notre
Dame Law School that she wanted her court to adopt a written code of ethics.
That would “go far in persuading other people that we were adhering to the
highest standards of conduct” she said. “I hope we can make progress.”
Kagan hesitated, however, when law school Dean Marcus
Cole followed up by asking which justice was opposed to adopting a code. “What
goes on in the conference room goes on in the conference room,” she demurred. “I don’t want to suggest that there’s one
holdout,” Kagan said, explaining, “There are totally good faith disagreements or
concerns.”
It is a safe bet, given recent events, that there are
actually two holdouts – Justices Clarence Thomas and Samuel Alito – and that
their “good faith” concerns are likely quite personal. Neither one has been
scrupulous about compliance with federal ethics law, with no meaningful
consequences. But a Supreme Court code of conduct would be far harder to
disregard. They have the motive, means and opportunity to keep the court from
adopting an ethics code.
Ironically, Kagan’s talk at Notre Dame was delivered
the same day as the most recent revelation about Thomas from ProPublica, this
time detailing his multiple appearances at a donors’ summit sponsored by the
conservative network Stand Together and funded by the conservative billionaire
Charles Koch. That was only one of Thomas’s many gifts, vacations and other
benefits from wealthy Republican activists, extending over decades, none of
which were disclosed on his annual financial reports.
Alito was the subject of his own ProPublica exposé, detailing an undisclosed luxury Alaska fishing
trip, with private jet transportation provided by a conservative mega-donor. He
has also been criticized for inappropriately giving a two-part Wall Street Journal interview to a lawyer with a
pending case in the Supreme Court.
Both Thomas and Alito have flouted the disclosure
provisions of the federal Ethics
in Government Act, either engaging in intellectual contortions to avoid its
straightforward requirements, or simply ignoring them.
Alito has gone even further, declaring in the Wall
Street Journal interview — conducted in part by David Rivkin, the lead attorney
in a pending Supreme Court case — that “No provision in the Constitution gives
[Congress] the authority to regulate the Supreme Court — period.”
Faced with Senate Democrats’ recusal request in
Rivkin’s case, Alito issued a four-page denial without a single reference to the
relevant federal statute, which requires disqualification in any
case where a justice’s impartiality might reasonably be questioned. Rather than
apply existing law, Alito substituted his “personal decision,” a new standard of his own devising,
never before used by any justice, thus silently repudiating congressional
authority.
Thomas is now facing a similar request, presented
by 50 Democratic members of Congress, seeking his recusal
in Loper Bright Enterprises v. Raimondo, a major case that
could hamstring federal agencies such as the Environmental Protection Agency
(EPA) and Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA). It has been a
decades-long goal of Charles Koch and his late brother, David, to
severely limit the power of federal agencies. The Kochs were Thomas’s hosts at
the funders’ summits, and the Koch-funded network has provided the plaintiffs’
attorneys in the Loper Bright case. It remains to be seen whether Thomas will
adopt Alito’s approach to recusal, making a “personal decision” rather than
applying statutory law and precedent.
Just yesterday, Thomas recused himself from a case in
which John Eastman sought to appeal a lower court’s order finding that his
communications with then Vice President Mike Pence “more likely than not”
constituted part of a criminal plan to keep former President Donald Trump in
office despite the result of the 2020 election. Thomas provided no reason for
his recusal and, like Alito, did not cite the federal statute.
It is one thing for Alito and Thomas to reject or
disdain federal law, with the excuse that it encroaches on judicial
independence. It would be an entirely different matter for any justice to
dismiss a code of conduct adopted by the Supreme Court itself.
The Code of Conduct for Judges, applicable to the lower federal
courts since 1973 and adopted in some version by every other U.S. jurisdiction,
is the obvious model. Kagan observed that the Supreme Court could just “adapt
the code of conduct,” with a few changes for “slight or certain differences”
from the lower courts’ needs.
That could spell trouble for Alito and Thomas, because
the Code of Conduct for United States Judges would inescapably bind them to
rules they have obstinately defied.
Canon 3C requires recusal in language virtually
identical to the federal statute — whenever the judge’s “impartiality
might reasonably be questioned.” This would leave no leeway for Alito’s novel
“personal decision” standard. Even more directly, Canon 4H(3) provides that judges must “make required
financial disclosures, including disclosures of gifts and other things of
value, in compliance with applicable statutes.”
It would not be surprising if Alito or Thomas have
objected to the code’s provisions that track federal law.
In other words, a robust Supreme Court Code of Conduct
would spell the end of Alito’s and Thomas’s constant skirting of rules that
apply to all other judges. That gives them a uniquely compelling reason to
block approval of a code for the Supreme Court, or to hold out for the
elimination of key requirements.
Ever the optimist, Kagan told the students at Notre
Dame that “There are some things to be worked out. I hope that we can work them
out.” I suppose she has the right to hope.
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