Lenore Anderson writes in Elle:
This year, campaigns are spending
big to convince us that crime is out of control. The Wall Street
reported that in a competitive U.S. House district in North Carolina,
roughly 70 percent of all political ads on TV since Labor Day have “at least
touched on crime.” Crime has also been “prominently mentioned” in more than
one-third of congressional campaign TV ads since Labor Day in Pennsylvania and
Wisconsin, two states with competitive Senate races this year. A lot of these
ads blame crime on candidates who have supported criminal justice changes like
police reform, bail reform, or clemency. They tout tough law and order messages
that hark back to the 1980s, when political jockeying about violent crime led
our country down the path to mass incarceration.
But are these ads really informing us which
candidates will work to keep us safer—or are they propagating a harmful story
about the state of criminal justice in America?
Are we really less safe today?
Separating scare tactics from legitimate concerns
can feel impossible among a frenzy of conflicting messages. But it’s essential
to set aside politics and look at the facts, especially for women voters who
are perennial targets for these ads, including the so-called “security mom”
voting bloc—typically suburban, white women from upper- and middle-income
households who swing between candidates during times of perceived crisis,
ultimately voting for the candidate that promises a return to safety.
The reality is there has been a devastating
increase in homicides starting when COVID hit, especially gun-related
homicides. From 2019 to 2020, homicides increased by nearly 30 percent, one
of the largest single-year increases ever recorded. But not all crime is
going up, and accurate
data is limited for 2021.
What is clear is that the burden of violent crime is
unevenly shared. The people most likely to be victims of crime are low-income
folks, communities of color, young people, people with disabilities, LGBTQ+
people, unhoused people, and people with old criminal records. The crimes they
suffer are less likely to be successfully investigated, and they are less
likely to receive victim assistance. The most harmed are the least helped by
our current justice system.
What hasn’t worked so far
A decade ago, I left my
job as a prosecutor to advocate for justice reform alongside leaders
organizing with those most harmed and least helped. Together, we have won
remarkable reforms, and I have learned many hard truths, most importantly that
our current justice system is just not set up to actually prevent crime or
protect victims. The old solutions to crime don’t work.
For one, most victims do not trust the justice
system, which leads to scant reporting. National data found less than half of all
violent victimizations were reported to law enforcement in 2021. That
includes only about 20 percent of sexual assaults and less than 50 percent of
assaults or domestic violence incidents. In 2022, my organization, Alliance for
Safety and Justice, commissioned Crime
Survivors Speak, a national study that found victims often do not report
because they have no faith the justice system will be able to do anything, and
because they fear retaliation. That lack of faith is warranted: the same study
found that four out of five victims who reported a crime to the police never
saw the crime against them solved.
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Victims also do not receive help when they need it
most. Our 2022 survey found 96 percent of violent crime victims did not receive
compensation, and despite nearly half of violent crime victims wanting
financial or economic assistance to recover, only 16 percent received it.
I have learned many hard truths, most importantly
that our current justice system is just not set up to actually prevent crime or
Not supporting victims has dire consequences. Ray
Winans, CEO of Detroit
Friends and Family, a violence prevention organization, told me about one
young man, Eric, who was a bystander when he was shot and paralyzed. He was
unable to keep his job and needed housing accommodations, but he was denied
victim compensation by the state compensation program. He became so desperate
to survive that he sold his own pain medication, something he had never done
before. Then he was convicted of selling drugs, making access to jobs and
housing even harder. Ray hypothesized that Eric was a victim of one public
health crisis—gun violence—which contributed to another—drug addiction—all
because he didn’t receive help as a victim.
At the same time, lengthy sentences championed by
politicians from both parties have failed. In 2014, the National Academy of
Sciences released a
comprehensive study of mass incarceration and concluded that, in
addition to creating extreme racial disparities, “lengthy sentences are
ineffective as a crime control measure.”
From the 1980s to present day, mass incarceration
has devastated families and communities, while larger and larger shares of
state budgets went to policing and prisons, college tuition soared, and mental
health and youth programs were slashed.
So, what can be done?
Looking closely at the outcomes of crime policy is
sobering—but there is reason for hope. The solutions are right in front of us,
often led by the very people the justice system has failed most. From community-based violence prevention for
at-risk youth to mental
health crisis assistance, and reentry programs for people coming home from
prison to trauma
recovery centers that help victims of violence—new solutions are
cropping up all over the country.
Take Newark, New Jersey, which has long been listed
as one of the “most dangerous” cities in the U.S. In 2014, newly elected Mayor
Ras Baraka set out to address the rampant violence and deep distrust between
the justice system and the community. Mayor Baraka enlisted violence prevention
expert Aqeela Sherrills and launched the Newark Community Street Team.
The city and the community worked together to build one of the most
comprehensive public safety strategies in the country. It includes
community-led peacemaking outreach, before- and after-school programs,
hospital-based violence disruption, and a trauma recovery center.
The impact has been tremendous. Newark’s homicide
rate in 2019 was its lowest since 1961. While gun violence spiked in many
cities after COVID, Newark’s
rate remained flat.
This midterm election, we must take the problem of
rising gun violence seriously. But we can’t fall for the same political tactics
that contributed to the problem.
Throughout the 1980s and 1990s, fear
of crime drove mass incarceration, and criminal justice lobbyists partnered
with victims’ rights advocates to push “law and order” policies, becoming one
of the most successful political movements in the 20th century.
Now, new safety leaders from communities that are
most harmed by concentrated violence and failed tough justice policies are
challenging this paradigm and reimagining our response. In turn, we must hold
public safety policy to a higher standard and invest in community solutions
that prevent crime, help victims, and promote healing.
We can’t cling to the politics of fear, even if it’s
appealing. Many of us are exhausted, navigating a crushing economy and grieving
lost loved ones and lost time. Sound bites that promise easy fixes might feel
safe. But “tough on crime” never was.
We owe it to each other to educate ourselves about
what didn’t work in the past and about real solutions communities are building
today. When we abandon the myths, it opens up a path toward real safety—for all
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