As a result, the state of Illinois went before its state
supreme court last May, defending the statute at oral argument. Around the same
time, Jordan Bartlett Jones, was making a similar First Amendment argument in
the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals. Appeals courts in Wisconsin and Vermont
rejected First Amendment challenges to revenge porn statutes in 2018—but in
Texas and Illinois, the lower courts have given the First Amendment claims a
foothold.
Decisions striking down those laws could threaten revenge
porn laws in all
46 states (plus Washington, D.C., and Guam) that have them. But Mary
Anne Franks, president, legislative and tech policy director of the
anti-revenge-porn group, the Cyber
Civil Rights Initiative, says that could be for the best.
“Sometimes these challenges are legitimate, in the sense
that it may be good for the legislature to take a pretty hard look at whether
or not they’ve crafted the best law possible,” says Franks, who teaches
criminal and First Amendment law at the University of Miami.
Laws like the ones being challenged, started springing up in
early 2010, when it started becoming common to see intimate images shared
without the subject’s consent. Some images become public via hacking or
extortion, but often someone puts them online after a breakup in order to hurt
the person depicted. In those cases, the poster may send the images directly to
the victim’s employer, family and friends or to a for-profit revenge porn
website.
However, it got harder to do that with impunity starting
around 2013, when states began passing laws outlawing revenge porn. Four
states: Wyoming, Mississippi, South Carolina and Massachusetts still don’t have
specific laws outlawing revenge porn. New York and Nebraska are the most recent
states to pass bills outlawing the offense.
There’s little cohesion among state revenge porn laws. In
2016, U.S. Rep. Jackie Speier, D-Calif., introduced a bill that would make
revenge porn a federal crime, but it didn’t pass. In 2017, Sen. Kamala Harris,
D-Calif., and two other senators introduced a bill that would criminalize the
distribution of revenge porn. Speier and U.S. Rep. John Katko, R-N.Y., introduced
a third bill in May, the SHIELD Act, which is pending with the judiciary
committee.
The resignation of
former freshman U.S. Rep. Katie Hill, D-Calif., in October, after revealing
pictures of her and a campaign staffer were made public online, sparked renewed
public interest in revenge porn. Generally, recent pushes to regulate revenge
porn coincide with growing awareness around sexual harassment and abuse as well
as discussions around the government’s role in regulating social media.
It’s tough to say how many people have been prosecuted, but
Franks says only a few have brought the sort of First Amendment challenge at
issue in the four appellate cases. A fifth First Amendment challenge, filed by
the ACLU of Arizona (Antigone Books et al v. Horne), led a federal district
court to strike down that state’s first revenge porn law in 2015.
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