From 2020 to 2022, the Constitutional Defense Fund (CDF) collected $12 million in cash and funneled nearly $10 million to two connected gun rights groups and a DC law firm, Cooper & Kirk, which together have filed at least 21 lawsuits since 2020 that challenged gun restrictions, reported Mother Jones.
These lawsuits, aimed at getting an eventual Supreme Court hearing, concern bans on AR-15-style rifles and high-capacity magazines, as well as restrictions on young adults buying and carrying handguns. During its next term, which begins in October, the court will hear one of the suits, a challenge to the government’s ability to check the spread of home-produced, unserialized “ghost guns.”
The CDF paid Cooper & Kirk more than $8 million between
2020 and 2022. The fund also made payments to the Second Amendment Foundation
and the Firearms Policy Foundation (an offshoot of the Firearms Policy
Coalition), which are the plaintiffs, individually or together, in every one of
the 21 lawsuits the operation is behind.
The CDF’s money came via Donors Trust, a pass-through fund
founded in 1999 with the aim of “safeguarding the intent of libertarian and
conservative” philanthropists who seek to channel their wealth into right-wing
causes. The trust has more than $1 billion in assets and is not legally
required to identify its donors.
In short: An anonymous funder or funders is bankrolling a
legal attack aimed at providing the conservative majority on the Supreme Court
an opportunity to wipe out America’s firearms laws. It’s akin to the Christian
right’s abortion playbook but for guns.
It’s akin to the Christian right’s abortion playbook but for
guns.
“It’s about as far from a bottom-up, grassroots operation as
possible,” said Adam Skaggs, chief counsel and vice president of Giffords Law
Center, who has spent a decade tangling in court with gun rights interests.
Skaggs said that in terms of its ambition and scale, the dark money operation
is unlike any litigation funding arrangement he’s seen.
The motives of many of the players in this drama—gun rights
advocates and the conservative lawyers who work for them—are obvious. But
Sutherland is more of a mystery. People who have known him for years say
they’ve never heard him talk about the Second Amendment or state a position on
the gun debate.
Over the past two years, I have tried to piece
together this network and chart its workings. It’s an effort that has
involved reading many thousands of pages of financial filings, depositions, and
court records. I’ve done dozens of interviews and knocked on the same doors
again and again, trying to figure out how an undercover pastor became the
unlikely middleman for a covertly funded operation to abolish gun laws. Here’s
what I’ve learned.
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