Rodrigo Perez Ortega writes in Science:
One in three adults in the United States has been arrested at least once, a strikingly high number compared with many other countries. Now, a new study reveals one of the implications of that figure: Nearly half of unemployed U.S. men have a criminal conviction by age 35, which makes it harder to get a job, according to an analysis of survey data.
The findings suggest having a criminal justice
history is pushing many men to the sidelines of the job market, says
sociologist Sarah Esther Lageson of Rutgers University, Newark, who was not
involved in the study. “I’m not sure that many people understand just how
prevalent an arrest is,” she says. “It really shows up [that unemployment] is
actually a mass criminalization problem. … Because arrests are so common, they
shouldn’t be considered in an employment context at all,” she says.
The work began when Amy Solomon, then head of the
Federal Interagency Reentry Council, was leading U.S. efforts to help former
prisoners re-enter society. She knew previous research had shown having a
criminal record—from arrest to conviction to incarceration—makes it harder to
get a job. Employers may hesitate to hire applicants with a criminal record for
fear they will reoffend, or for potential negligent hire lawsuits. But Solomon
couldn’t figure out just how many of the unemployed had criminal records. She
turned to Shawn Bushway, an economist and criminologist at RAND Corporation
with a track record of finding answers to hard questions about statistics in
criminal justice. “No one in criminology [had ever] asked … that question,” he
says.
Because the justice system in the United States is
highly fragmented, there’s no centralized repository of criminal history
records. “[The data] is public by law, yet it is extraordinarily difficult to
collect,” says Michael Romano, a criminal law researcher at Stanford Law School
who was not involved in the new study.
So Bushway turned to another source: data from the
U.S. Department of Labor. Starting in 1997, statisticians with the department
conducted the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth. For more than 2 decades,
they have periodically interviewed 8984 people born between 1980 and 1984,
asking questions about education, income, employment status, and criminal
histories. Bushway had used the survey once before—to come up with the estimate
of how many U.S. adults had ever been arrested.
Because far fewer women are arrested than men, Bushway and his colleagues focused on unemployed men. Of the men who responded to the survey at age 35, 5.8% were unemployed, which the researchers defined as being without a job for at least four consecutive weeks, but fewer than 39 weeks. Of these men, 64% had been arrested at least once and slightly more than 46% had a conviction, the team reported yesterday at the annual meeting of AAAS (which publishes Science) and online today in Science Advances.
“It’s pretty staggering,” Romano says. “I would not
have guessed that such a high number of people who are unemployed have a
criminal background … it’s really eye-opening.”
The researchers also wanted to know whether people
of color were disproportionally impacted by both unemployment and a criminal
record. Among survey respondents, Black and Hispanic men were 1.4 times more
likely to be arrested than white men, and were 1.8 and 1.2 times more likely to
be unemployed, respectively. But what the researchers found surprised them:
Although more Black and Hispanic survey participants were unemployed and had a
criminal record than their white counterparts, the proportion of the unemployed
Black men with criminal records was similar to that of unemployed white men
with criminal records. Among the unemployed, 67% of Black men, 58% of Hispanic
men, and 65% of white men had been arrested by age 35.
Lila Kazemian, a sociologist at City University of
New York, calls these results “surprising.” She adds: “This is somewhat
unexpected, given that Black men experience unemployment and contacts with the
criminal justice system at a higher rate than their non-Black counterparts.”
The explanation, the authors say, is that although
racism influences hiring, discrimination based on criminal history may be even
more potent. “People [with criminal histories] are being segregated into
certain jobs and in certain industries, and are unable to advance their careers
… many, many years after they have a record,” Bushway says.
Harry Holzer, a labor economist at Georgetown
University, says the findings should be taken into account by employment and
re-entry services. But he points out that the findings may not be applicable
for all unemployed today: Some of the years used in the survey had very tight
labor markets, he says, and because the survey relies on self-reports, there’s
a chance the criminal background of participants is underreported.
Meanwhile, Lageson points to Western European
countries like France, where criminal records are not public and employers
cannot use them to make hiring decisions. In experimental research, Lageson has
found that U.S. employers
do discriminate against applicants if they have one arrest. “We should
rethink public access to these types of low-level records given that they’re
impacting such a large proportion of unemployed people,” she says.
“These findings represent a major contribution to
the re-entry literature and hold a key to improving economic mobility among
those who are unemployed,” says Solomon, now a principal deputy assistant
attorney general at the U.S. Department of Justice. “Now that we have an answer
to this question, I hope the workforce development field will pay even greater
attention to the barriers imposed by a criminal record and create strategies to
address them.”
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