Watch my interview on Sidebar with Law & Crime's Jesse Weber as we examine the criminal charges against Joseph Duggar,
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* Criminal Defense Attorney * Former Prosecutor * Former Parole Board Member * 724-658-8535
Watch my interview on Sidebar with Law & Crime's Jesse Weber as we examine the criminal charges against Joseph Duggar,
To watch the interview CLICK HERE
While 19 states, including New York and California, allow the governor unilateral clemency power, Pennsylvania is among 10 states that require the approval of its pardon board. Without the board’s recommendation, the governor is barred from commuting a person’s sentence, reported The Appeal. Three members—a victim advocate, a corrections expert, and a medical or mental health expert—are nominated by the governor and approved by the state senate. The lieutenant governor and attorney general comprise the other two members.
Acknowledgment
of an application can take up to 18 months. Only then does an applicant undergo
an institutional review, including a psychological review as well as an
interview with the prison superintendent. Former DOC secretary John Wetzel
instituted the policy of interviewing applicants. His successors have continued
the practice.
Then the
process continues to a merit review. In 2026, the board scheduled three merit
reviews for commutations. At each review, the board votes
on hundreds of applications, reviewing the person’s institutional record,
program participation, staff support, their personal statement, future plans,
and letters supporting or opposing their release. For applicants serving life
without parole, three of the five members must approve before they can
proceed to a public hearing.
Before the
public hearing, board members interview the applicant over Zoom. Each interview
lasts no longer than 30 minutes. At the hearing, which is also virtual, family
members of their victims as well as the applicant’s loved ones have the
opportunity to testify.
Until the
1990s, an applicant needed a majority vote for commutation. Then, in 1994,
however, Reginald McFadden, who had been granted commutation two years earlier,
killed two people and raped a third. Recidivism among clemency recipients for
any offense is extremely low. Nonetheless, his acts prompted widespread fears
of second chances and a 1997 legislative change requiring a unanimous vote for
all commutations. Between 1967 and 1994, over
360 life sentences had been commuted.
Since
1995, the board has reviewed 190 applicants serving life without parole. Of
those, 80 (or fewer than half) were recommended to the
governor. Seventy-eight have been granted commutation.
Celeste
Trusty, now the state legislative affairs director for FAMM, served as
secretary for the Pennsylvania Board of Pardons during previous governor Tom
Wolf’s last year in office (December 2020 to January 2022). “It really does
matter who’s in office, who’s on the board, what the public sentiment is about
commutation [and] the political ambitions of the people involved in the
process,” she told The Appeal. She noted that, because Wolf had no
plans to run for higher office, “the political liability that people generally
associate with second chances and clemency was removed, and he was able to
boldly go forward.”
During
Wolf’s two terms as governor, the board held 114 hearings for lifers and
recommended 55. Wolf granted commutation to all of them.
As
attorney general, Shapiro was a member of the pardon board. In 2019, he cast
the fewest
votes for commutation. Since becoming governor in 2023, the board has
conducted 46 hearings for lifers and recommended 15 people. Shapiro granted
commutation to all 15. (During his first term, Wolf granted
commutation to 19 people, more than his past four predecessors combined.)
Bolden
initially applied at his mother’s urging. The board denied his first two
applications.
Since
then, he has developed multiple sclerosis, which has progressed to the point
where he requires a wheelchair. It also greatly limits the use of his left hand
and causes constant pain.
This past
March, Bolden learned that he received support from the Department of
Corrections Secretary Laurel Harry. His merit review is scheduled for July
9. If approved, his public hearing will be on September 11.
“Little by
little, I’m starting to have more hope,” he said. Decades behind bars,
including four years with execution hanging over his head, made it impossible
to envision a life beyond the prison door.
“The
gravity and weight of prison is so hard to put into words,” he said.
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The question in the case was whether defendant's lawyer had a meaningful chance to challenge the prosecutor’s stated reasons for striking Black jurors
A divided Supreme Court sided with a Black death row inmate from Mississippi who accused the white prosecutor in his case of intentionally and illegally striking potential Black jurors from the panel that heard his case, reported The New York Times.
Terry
Pitchford was convicted in 2006 for his role in the murder of a shopkeeper by a
12-member jury that included only one Black member. At the time, the county
where his trial took place was 40 percent Black.
In
its 5-to-4 decision, the Supreme Court said Mr. Pitchford’s
lawyer should have had an opportunity to challenge the prosecutor’s reasons for
striking all but one potential Black juror, consistent with a 40-year-old
landmark precedent barring race discrimination in jury selection. The decision
means that Mr. Pitchford, 40, who has served on death row for more than two
decades, is entitled to a new trial, his attorney said.
The
dispute in Mr. Pitchford’s case involved the same prosecutor whose jury-selection
practices were condemned by the Supreme Court in a separate decision
in 2019 that drew considerable public attention.
In that
case, the prosecutor Doug Evans spent decades trying to convict Curtis Flowers,
a Black man, of the 1996 murders of four people inside a furniture store.
During six trials, Mr. Evans repeatedly ensured Black people were excluded from
juries. The case was featured on a
season-long podcast, as well as in episodes of a
documentary series. Mr. Flowers spent 23 years in prison until he was
released in 2019 following the court’s decision. Charges against him were
dropped the following year.
The
question in Mr. Pitchford’s case was whether his lawyer had a meaningful chance
to challenge the prosecutor’s stated reasons for striking Black jurors.
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In
general, prosecutors have leeway to remove a certain number of potential
jurors, by issuing challenges that are discretionary and cannot be
second-guessed. Forty years ago, the Supreme Court carved out an exception in
the case Batson v. Kentucky. Under that ruling, when lawyers are accused of
discriminating based on race in jury selection, they must provide a different,
race-neutral explanation for their actions.
In recent
years, the Supreme Court’s conservative majority has turned away most appeals
from death row inmates. But writing for the majority, Justice Brett M.
Kavanaugh said the state judge had failed to provide Mr. Pitchford’s lawyer
“sufficient opportunity” to dispute the prosecutor’s race-neutral reasons for
striking four of five potential Black jurors, and had failed to explore if the
prosecutor’s reasons were “pretextual.”
Justice
Kavanaugh, who wrote the court’s 2019 decision in Mr. Flowers’s case as well,
has had a longstanding interest in race and jury selection. He was joined by
Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr. and the court’s three liberal justices, Sonia
Sotomayor, Elena Kagan and Ketanji Brown Jackson.
Joseph
Perkovich, one of Mr. Pitchford’s lawyers, praised the court for recognizing
the “extreme failure of the state courts to enforce essential protections under
the Constitution.”
In a
statement, Megan Byrne, a lawyer at the ACLU’s Capital Punishment Project, said
the decision “properly recognizes that potential racial discrimination in jury
selection deserves meaningful scrutiny and careful review.”
Mr. Evans,
the prosecutor, has retired from the Montgomery County district attorney’s
office. The Mississippi attorney general’s office, which defended the
conviction, did not respond to a request for comment.
To read more CLICK HERE
Prosecutors portrayed the prisoners as unrepentant jihadists who bragged about their roles in the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks to federal agents during their first months in military detention at Guantánamo Bay, reported The New York Times.
Defense
lawyers cast the men as so broken by violence and solitary confinement in their
years in C.I.A. prisons overseas that they were groomed to involuntarily
confess to U.S. agents.
Over eight
days this month, the two sides offered these stark, clashing views to a
military judge who is now confronted with the overarching question in the long-running
capital case: Did Khalid Shaikh Mohammed, who is accused of hatching and
organizing the Sept. 11 attacks, and two co-defendants voluntarily incriminate
themselves to F.B.I. agents years ago, and can their statements be used against
them?
The case
is in its 15th year of these pretrial proceedings, and no date has been set for
the trial to begin. But the judge’s decision could be a turning point almost 25
years after the attacks killed nearly 3,000 people in New York, Pennsylvania
and at the Pentagon.
Stephan
Gerhardt, whose brother
Ralph was killed in the attack on the World Trade Center, said the
judge’s decision would provide “a major step forward as it answers probably the
biggest legal question that needs resolution before a trial date being set.”
He watched
some of the arguments in the court at Guantánamo this month.
The legal
question before the judge is not about the crime itself, the largest terrorist
attack ever in the United States. That will be left for a trial.
It is whether the prisoners were so thoroughly conditioned after more than three years of incommunicado detention, which started off with brutality and continued with years of questioning by U.S. government agents, that they involuntarily told their captors what they wanted to hear.
A crux of
the question confronting the judge is the legal principle of attenuation, how
to get an untainted confession after a coerced one. Prosecutors say the “clean”
interrogations at Guantánamo in 2007 met the legal standard of a change in
time, change in place and change in identity of questioners.
Transfer
to Guantánamo
To make
his decision, the judge is reviewing years of testimony and reams of classified
evidence managed by four previous judges in the case against Mr. Mohammed,
Walid bin Attash and Mustafa al-Hawsawi to decide whether there was a clear
moment of attenuation.
Or, as the
judge called it, the pivot.
Military
judges have so far thrown out the confessions of two other capital
defendants, Ammar
al-Baluchi and Abd
al-Rahim al-Nashiri, because of what the C.I.A. did to them. Prosecutors
are appealing
to reinstate Mr. Baluchi’s statements.
“Mr.
Khalid Shaikh Mohammed could not shut up about his role as the emir of the 9/11
attacks,” the lead prosecutor, Clayton G. Trivett Jr., said on the first day of
the hearing. Mr. Trivett said Mr. Mohammed boasted about the attacks to C.I.A.
interrogators after he was captured in Pakistan in March 2003 and then to
F.B.I. agents at Guantánamo in January 2007.
It was in
March 2003 when Mr. Mohammed was in C.I.A. custody that he
was waterboarded 183 times. His lawyer, Gary D. Sowards, said that after
his client was tortured, he was questioned hundreds of times, sometimes three
times a day, by C.I.A. investigators.
Never has
there been a more egregious abuse of power in American history than the
settlement of President Donald Trump v. the Internal Revenue Service. The
President sued the IRS — essentially suing himself — while the lawyers
defending the government against the lawsuit also work for him. Trump was well
aware of the incongruous nature of his lawsuit, telling reporters, "I'm
supposed to work out a settlement with myself."
Let's put
that in perspective. The president oversees the Department of the Treasury. The
IRS is an agency of the Department of the Treasury. The Secretary of the
Treasury serves at the pleasure of the President. The Department of Justice is
also an agency of the executive branch of government — headed by the
president's former attorney — whose attorneys must adhere to the president's
opinion on matters of law.
The
Justice Department announced that Acting Attorney General Todd Blanche has
established a $1.776 billion fund to settle Trump v. IRS. According to Lawfare,
the name "Trump chose for this instrument of partisan self-dealing —
conjured by a president suing his own government and settling with himself, a
product of the politicized use of the legal system he claims to deplore — is
'The Anti-Weaponization Fund.'"
As the
fund is currently configured, Trump will not be entitled to compensation
directly from the fund. According to Lawfare, "the money will be doled out
by a five-member board he effectively controls, operating under procedures that
need not be disclosed, with the identities of recipients potentially kept
secret."
Before you
cheer for the president's magnanimous decision to not accept monies for
himself, consider that the settlement directs that the government would be
"forever barred and precluded from prosecuting or pursuing" pending
tax claims against Trump, his family members and businesses.
According
to The New York Times, the addendum to the settlement agreement was posted,
without fanfare, on the department's website. According to The Times, the
addendum "revealed the determination of Mr. Trump and his appointees to
ram through maximalist measures with minimum outside scrutiny at a moment when
they still have uncontested control of government."
The
immunity from IRS auditing ignores that the IRS is required by regulation to
audit the president's tax returns every year. It is also worth noting that The
New York Times reported in 2024 that an audit of Trump by the IRS could cost
the president more than $100 million.
His $10
billion lawsuit and the resulting $1.8 billion settlement do not pass
constitutional muster. In 1937, U.S. Supreme Court Chief Justice Charles Evan
Hughes reasoned that justiciable cases and controversies not only require that
disputes be of the types specified in Article III of the U.S. Constitution, but
the controversy must be definite and concrete, "touching the legal
relations of parties having adverse legal interests."
There are
no adverse interests in this settlement. The president's IRS made a deal with
the President's DOJ to use taxpayer money to compensate supporters of the
president. This lawsuit and settlement should have been laughed out of court.
The judge
overseeing Trump's suit, Kathleen Williams of the U.S. District Court for the
Southern District of Florida, raised the case and controversy concern. To avoid
briefing and arguing the matter, Trump withdrew the suit in exchange for the
"slush fund" and IRS immunity.
If
Congress does not act — both houses having been emasculated by the President's
influence with the extreme wing of the GOP — the Courts will need to step into
the void. The slush fund is being challenged by police officers who helped
defend the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021. This money grab must be thwarted.
Matthew T.
Mangino is of counsel with Luxenberg, Garbett, Kelly & George P.C. His
book, "The Executioner's Toll," 2010, was released by McFarland
Publishing. You can reach him at www.mattmangino.com and follow him on Twitter
@MatthewTMangino
To visit Creators CLICK HERE
The Department of Justice found several “serious issues” with treatment of inmates, contraband and employee practices at USP Canaan in Waymart during an inspection of the federal prison last June, reported WVIA.
According
to a reporty, the Office of the Inspector General found issues
including concerning use of restraints on inmates, issues with the prison’s
ability to provide healthcare to inmates and inappropriate imagery and
demeaning language in employee spaces.
In a video
released Thursday, Deputy Inspector Bill Blier said inspectors, while
on-site from June 2-5, 2025, observed employees applying four-point restraints
to inmates in a “manner that caused inmates severe discomfort and posed serious
risk of lasting injury.”
The prison
has capacity for 1,536 inmates, and had a population of 1,357 at the time of
the inspectors' visit.
“Multiple
USP Canaan employees told us they had seen four-point restraints applied too
tightly, which caused the hands of restrained inmates to swell and become
discolored,” Blier said. “While BOP (Federal Bureau of Prisons) policy allows
for use of restraints in certain situations, it is impermissible to cause
physical pain or extreme discomfort.”
In regard
to inmate healthcare, the report states USP Canaan had been without an on-site,
full-time physician since November 2022 at the time of the inspection. The
inspection also found inconsistencies with medication administration practices,
expired medical supplies and delays of healthcare and lab testing.
“We also
observed unsafe practices in dental services, specifically sharp dental
surgical tools and chloroform stored in unlocked cabinets near inmates,” a
release from DOJ states.
Blier said
the inspectors also observed prison employees using "inappropriate and
demeaning language” toward inmates and other employees, as well as
inappropriate imagery in employee areas.
“Our team
observed several instances of imagery associated with designated criminal
groups, white supremacy and anti-semitism in employee-only areas,” he said in
the video statement.
The report makes nine recommendations for BOP to
correct the issues found at USP Canaan. The BOP agreed with all of them, and in
the appendices of the report, outlined the steps that have been taken over the
past year to rectify each situation.
The
Department of Justice Office of the Inspector General publishes the progress of
its recommendations online as reports become available.
To read more CLICK HERE
Federal Judge Waverly Crenshaw in Nashville dismissed criminal charges against Kilmar Abrego Garcia, ruling that the charges were punitive for challenging his deportation last year, reported Juristnews..
Kilmar
Abrego Garcia is the man who was mistakenly deported to El Salvador in March 2025, despite an
October 2019 “withholding of removal” issued by the Board of Immigration
Appeals. Abrego Garcia originally entered the United States irregularly after
fleeing his home country, El Salvador, to escape the notorious Barrio 18 gang,
which had threatened his family with death.
In March
2025, Abrego Garcia was stopped by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE)
officers while driving home from work in Maryland and arrested
despite the fact that the officers did not have a warrant. The officers simply
told Abrego Garcia that his status had changed, and he was promptly put on a
plane bound for El Salvador, where he was placed in the Terrorism Confinement
Center (CECOT). His case received much media attention and was eventually
brought to the United States Supreme Court, which ruled that Garcia had to be returned to the United
States.
Court
documents later released revealed that Garcia had been arrested under suspicion
of involvement with the gang MS-13, allegations denied by Garcia and his wife.
Despite the April 2025 decision by the Supreme Court, Garcia remained
incarcerated in El Salvador until June, when the Trump administration indicted
him on charges of human trafficking in connection with a November 2022 traffic
stop in Tennessee.
In March
2026, Garcia moved to dismiss the criminal charges against him,
alleging vindictive prosecution. Vindictive prosecution occurs when
the government prosecutes a person in retaliation for exercising a legal right.
This charge can be difficult to prove, but Garcia prevailed. In the judgment,
Judge Crenshaw wrote:
The Court
does not reach its conclusion lightly. The objective evidence here shows that,
absent Abrego’s successful lawsuit challenging his removal to El Salvador, the
Government would not have brought this prosecution. The Executive Branch closed
its investigation on the November 2022 traffic stop. Only after Abrego
succeeded in vindicating his rights did the Executive Branch reopen that
investigation. What the Government labels as “new evidence” was not new as a
matter of law. The prosecutor’s subjective good faith does not cure the
retaliatory taint.
In a
statement published by We Are Casa, a community organizing group that has
supported Abrego Garcia, he said this about his case: “Thank you to God, my
attorneys, We are CASA, and everyone who has continued to support the fight for
justice. Justice is a big word and an even bigger promise to fulfill, and I am
grateful that today, justice has taken a step forward.”
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